The inception of Awami League: the rise of
opposition politics
It is known to all that, in 1940, Sher-e-Bangla
A. K. Fazlul Huq tabled the historic Resolution incorporating the idea of
more than one states in the Indian subcontinent. According to this resolution,
there was to be a separate state comprising the Bangla speaking regions
of the sub continent. But the plan was completely sidetracked when India
was divided in 1947 on the basis of Mr. Jinnah’s Two-nation Theory, and the
artificial state of Pakistan came into being with two wings separated by
a thousand miles. These two wings comprised two entirely different lands,
languages and cultures. The establishment of Pakistan could not solve the problem
of Bangalee nationality. On the contrary, the repressive policies of the
Pakistani ruling elite against various nationalities brought the question
of Bangalee’s separate nationhood to the forefront. In this backdrop,
within 4 months and 20 days of the creation of Pakistan an opposition student’s
organization named East Pakistan Student League was formed under the
leadership of the then young and promising student leader, Bangbandhu
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (January 4, 1948). On June 23, nest year, a meeting of the
leaders and workers known to be the supporters of Hussain Shaheed
suhrawardy was held at ‘Rose Garden’ of K. M. Das lane, Dhaka. There a
new political party named Awami Muslim League was formed with Maulana Abdul
Hamid Khan Bhashani as chair, Shamsul Haq of Tangail as Secretary,
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (then interned in Jail) as Joint
Secretary and Yar Mohammad as Treasurer. It was the first oppsition party in
the then East Bangal (later renamed East Pakistan). In a process of
secularization, the word ‘Muslim’ was eventually dropped from the name of
the party. Since its inception, Awami League has championed the cause of
the political rights of the Bangalee people and fought relentlessly for
the attainment of those rights. The present Bangladesh Awami League
inherits the legacy of the party founded in 1949. Bangabandhu’s daughter
Sheikh Hasina is the present president of Bangladesh Awami League.
Language Movement and the Struggle for the
Dignity of our Mother Tongue
The Bangalee people living on the Padma- Meghna-
Jamuna delta first rose in revolt on the question of the state language
of Pakistan. The language policy of the non-Bangalee rulers of Pakistan was not
only undemocratic but also strongly biased against the various nationalities.
They refused the claim of Bangla, the language of the majority people of
Pakistan, to be one of the state languages alongside Urdu. Rather they
trid to impose Urdu as the sole state language of Pakistan. The people of East
Bengal statged their clamorous protest against this blatant injustice and
a strong mass-movement originated on the question of state language. Both
Awami League and its student wing Chhatra League evolved through this Language
movement that stretched from 1948 till 1952. The leaders of these two
parties played the dominant role in organizing this movement. Bangabandhu
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s name should be specially mentioned in this regard.
On March 11, 1948 he led a siege of the East
Pakistan Secretariat and was arrested along with some of his colleagues.
On March 21, 1948, in a meeting in the Racecourse of Dhaka (now Suhrawardy
Garden), Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the first Governor General of Pakistan
declared unequivocally, “Urdo and only Urdu shall be the state language
of Pakistan.” A number of young activists including Bangabandhu raised their
voice of protest against this declaration. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman became the target of the wrath of the Muslim League government for
a number of reasons which included his active participation in the language
movement, his protest against the repressive measures taken by the Muslim
League government, his leadership in the movement of the class four
employees of Dhaka University etc. He was being thrown into Jail into Jail
again and again. He was still in jail when the final phase of the
Language movement started in 1952. He got himself transferred from the
central jail to Dhaka Medical College on medical ground and established
contacts with the leaders outside.
Through chits smuggled
out of the hospital he gave directives to the leaders of the movement. On
February 16, 1952, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib and his close associate late
Mohiuddin Ahmed went on hunger-strike-till-death. With a view to
isolating them from the outside world, the government transferred them to
Faridpur Jail. Bangabandhu was then Joint Secretary of Awami League. This
hunger strike added a new dimension to the final phase of the Language
Movement. The police opened fire on the demonstrasting student on February 21,
1952, killing several persons. This bloody incident opended a new chapter
in the history of the Leberation struggle of the Bangalee nation.
It should bementioned here that the movement for
Bangla Language was being conducted under the aegus of a multi-party
forum called the ‘All Party State Language Action Committee. It was formed on
January 30, 1952, and Awami League played a leading role in its
formation. On the streets, inside the prison, in the Constituent Assembly-everywhere
Awami League and Bangabandhu fought relentlessly for the cause of mother
tongue. In a speech given in the Pakistan Constituent Assembly, Bangabandhu
made this memorable comment : “It is not important whether we know any
other language or not. We want to speak in Bangla in this House.” When
new consperacies started being hatched against Bangla language and Bangalee
culture in the sixties, Bangabandhu and his party organized a strong
protest movement against those nefarious designs of the Ayub regime.
In 1974, after the
Liberation of Bangladesh, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman delivered his
speech in the UN in Bangla and thus for the first time glorified our
language in the world arena. His daughter, the present Prime Minister of
Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina can justifiably claim the credit of glorifying Bangla
once again : it was due to her initiative that UNESCO has declared
(November 17, 1999) the 21st of February as the International Mother
Language Day. From now on, February 21, the day of martyrdom for Bangla, will
be celebrated all over the world every year in recognition of the right
of the mother tongues of all speech communities of the world. The
glorious sacrifice of the Bangalee nation has now acquired international
recognition through this decision of UNESCO.
The Election of the United Front
In March 1954, an election of the last Pakistan
Provincial Assembly was held, which is known as the United Front
election. The opposition political parties, under the leadership of the
mainstream party, Awami League formed the United Front to fight the
electoral battle against the ruling Muslim League. It was formally
inaugurated in December 1953 with Hussain Shaheed Sugrawardy, Sher-e-Bangla A.
K. Fazlul Huq, Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani and Bangabandhu Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman as Chief proponents. United Front chalked out a 21 point
socio-economic programme as its election manifesto; it included the ‘State
language issue’ and ‘the demand for the autonomy of East Bengal’ as two
main points. The election symbol of the Front was ‘boat’. It had a
landslide victory, winning 300 seats out of 309. The ruling Muslim League got
only 9 seats. Out of the 237 muslim seats, United Front bagged 223 (Awami
League topped the list among the members by winning 137 seats). This
electoral win by United Front marked a watershed in the politics of East
Pakistan. The ruling Muslim not only suffered a crushing defeat; it was
virtually wiped out as a political force from East Bengal. For the
Bangalees it was a revolution through ballot. But the United Front Government
formed under the leadership of Fazlul Huq was short-lived : the central
Gvoernment of Pakistan ousted it on the 56th day of its assumption of
power. Bangalees were outraged and infuriated by this nefarious act on the part
of the Pakistani ruling clique. The election of 1954 and its aftermath
played an important role in the evolution of the concept of the separate
Bangalee nationhood.
A Step towards secularization
Since the beginning, Awami League has been a
secular democratic party. The term ‘Muslim’ was appended to the name of
the party at the time of its foundation as a political tactic only. India was
divided on the basis of a communal birurcation, and in 1949 it was really
unthinkable to launch an opposition political party with a declared
secularist agenda. Moreover, the separate election system for defferent
religious communites was still operative in Pakistan. The founding
fathers of Awami League, therefore, thought it opportune to hide their
intentions under the name ‘Awami Muslim league’ for the time being. Meanwhile,
through the cataclysmie events of the Language Movement, the United Front
election of 1954 and the defeat of Muslim League in that election created
a secular political atmosphere in East Bengal. A resolution in favour of
‘non-communal combined system was adopted (Murree Pact, 1955), for whice
Awami League can claim the sole credit. In the backdrop of this, in the
initiative of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the then General Secretary of
the Party, the three-day 3rd council meeting was held in Rupahal Cinema
Hall of Dhaka on 21-23 October, 1953. In this council, a resolution
regarding the change in the name of the party was adopted : the word ‘Muslim’
was dropped and the party was renamed ‘East Pakistan Awami League’. It
was a historical and bold political decision, as a result of which the
party became open to all irrespective of caste, creed and colour. The
secular democratic character of the party was thus institutionalized and
perfected.
Formation of government, split in the
party, ouster from power
In August 1956, the governor of East Bengal
called upon Awami League to form the provicial government. The Awami
League government was formed next month with Ataur Rahman Khan, the leader of
the Awami League Parliamentary Party, as the Chief Minister. His cabinet
included Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Bangabandhu was entrusted
with the important portfolio of the Ministry of Industries, commerce and
Labour. Awami League stayed in power for about two years. Inspite of a
series of conspiracies hatched by the central government, the Awami
League government in East Bengal succeeded in taking some important steps in
various fields. These included the tackling of serious problem of
food-shortage, the release of the political prisoners, giving ‘test
relief’ to the landless peasants, the granting of financial aid to the families
of the Language Movement martyrs, the declaration of February 21 as a government
holiday, the observance of Pahela Baiskh as Bangla New Year’s Day, the
establishment of a Veterinary College in Mymensingh, of Fenchuganj
Fertilizer Factory and Savar Dairy Farm and of Film Development Corporation
(FDC) etc. Bangabandhu played a very strong role in all these.
We must note here a singular event that took
place during the Awami League rule. Bangabandhu was concurrently holding
the posts of the Party General Secretary and a cabinet minister. The party
decided to segregate the leadership of the Organization and the ministry.
Bangabandhu was given the choice of keeping any of the two posts. This
problem arose in the case of a few others also. Bangabandhu unhesitatingly made
his choice he left the ministry and opted for the post of the party secretary.
This shows how much importance he laid upon the party organization. This
rare incident proves the fact that Bangabandhu was the central force in
Awami League and that his commitment to the party was above everything
else. Incidentally, all the three vice-presidents of the party opted for
ministership and left the party posts. Almost simultaneously with the
formation of government in East Bengal by AL, the party under the leadership of
Huseyn Shaheed Shhrawardy formed government of only 13 members of Awami
League and was backed by the Republican Party. But it lasted only 13
months (12 September 1956-11 October 1957). Naturally, it was too short a
tenure for the Suhrawardy government to do anything significant. But even
within this period, the AL administration took a few bold steps. These
include the adoption of ‘parity’ policy with a view to lessening the multiple
disparities between the two wings of Pakistan; the holding of the session
of Pakistan National Assembly in Dhaka (for the first time); the passing
of an act in the assembly in favour of non-communal joint electorate system
(October 14,1956); the establishment of Jute Marketing Corporation;
taking steps to facilitate industrialization and expansion of trade and
commerce in East Bengal; the establishment of IWTA for developing the river
transport system and WAPDA for flood control, etc.
The civil and military bureaucracy had exerted
its unhealthy influence on the administration since the very inception of
the state of Pakistan. The AL government of Suhrawardy successfully curbed this
influence. Moreover, with a view to basing the fledgling domocracy on a
firm footing, Suhrawardy stressed the need for holding a general election
in his very first address to the nation. These bold steps taken by the
Shurawardy government, particularly its pledge to hold a general election
unnerved the ruling clique and its frontsman President Iskander Mirza. It
was at his behest that Republican Party (a party that Mirza himself had helped
found) withdrew its support from Suhrawardy Ministry. Immediately after this
President Iskander Mirza forced Suhrawardy to resign.
One big event for Awami League that took place
during this period was the split in the party The two top leaders of AL,
Suhrawardy and Maulana Bhashni were having a difference of opinion for quite
some time on the question of the foreign policy of Pakistan. Bhasani was
in fovour of a non-aligned foreign policy, while Suhrawardy fovoured
strong links with the powerful countries of the West, Particularly with
Amirica. Suhrawardy’s stance was backed by a pragmatic assessment of the
contemporary geo-political realities of South Asia. Most of the leaders
of Awami League under the guidence of the Party General Secretary Bangabandhu
Shiekh Mujibur Rahman supported Suhrawardy’s standpoint. On February 7-8, 1957,
Bhasani hosted the special council meeting of AL at Kagmari Tangail.
There the division of opinion came to the fore. The split in the party
could be forestalled at Kagmari Council, but soon it became inevitable. Maulana
Bhasani resigned his post of party President on March 18, 1957; within a
few days, 9 out of the 37 members of the Working Committee resigned in
support of Maulana Bhasani. On July 25-26, 1957, Bhasani called ‘Democratic
Workers Conference’ at Rupmahal Cinema of Dhaka. There, a new political
party named ‘National Awami Party’ was formed with Bhasani as its
president. A few leftist organization joined NAP. In this time of crisis, the
youthful General Secretary of AL took the reins of the party in his
hands. Maulana Abdur Rashid Tarkabagish was made the party president in
the place of Maulana Bhasani. Bangabandhu, at this juncture, left his post in
the provincial ministry in order to devote his whole time to the reorganization
of the party.
The Anti-Ayub Movement
On OCtober 7, 1958, President General Iskander
Mirza proclaimed Martial Law in Pakistan. Within 20 days of this, he was
ousted by the Army Chief General Ayub Khan in a counter coup. Ayub’s decade of
autocratic rule started. The constitution was abrogated; the national and
the provincial assemblies were dissolved; all political activities were
prohibited. A large number of political leaders and activists including
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman were thrown into jail. By passing the
notorious ‘EBDO’ Act, Ayub Khan declared 78 politicians including the
popular leader H. S. Suhrawardy unfit for being candidates in elections.
Measures were taken to stifle the voice of the press. Moreover, Ayub Khan
introduced the so-called ‘Basic Democracy’ substituting direct elections
with on ‘Electoral College’ with the ulterior purpose of perpetuating his
regime. He arranged for the framing of a new Constitution (1952), which was
based on the ‘Basic Democracy’ concept on a total reliance on the
military bureaucracy.
In spite of all repressive measures, Awami
League continued functioning, surreptitiously organising group meetings
to devise ways and means of a possible movement against the Ayub Government.
Soon an opportunity presented itself, when the government arrested H. S.
Suhrawardy on June 30, 1962. The news of the arrest spread like wild fire
and the students started strikes in educational institutions and came out to
the streets. Anti-martial Law posters were put up on the city walls. In
this backdrop, on February 7, 1962, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was
arrested and thrown into jail. The publication of the Report on Education
Policy by Sharif Commission, which was constituted by Ayub Khan, added fuel to
the fire. The entire student community demanded the immediate withdrawal
of the Report terming it as anti-people and inimical to Bangla language
and culture. On September 17 (1962), the police opened fire on the agitating
public killing a number of people including a student named Babul. The
day (September 17) has been observed as the ‘Education Day’ ever since.
This incident gave rise to a student- upsurge forcing the government to
withhold the Sharif Commission Report. Side by side with the student
movement, attempts were made to initiate a political movement against
Ayub Khan. On June 24, 1962, nine eminent political leaders of different
parties issued a statement opposing the new constitution and calling for
the restoration of democracy. This is known as ‘the statement of nine
leaders’. Ataur Rahman Khan and Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman signed the
statement on behalf of Awami League. Within a short time, under the
auspices of Awami League, a multi-party alliance nemed ‘National Democratic
Front’ (NDF) was formed. Upon his release from prison, the leader of All
Pakistan Awami League, H. S. Suhrawardy took the leadership of NDP. In
1962-63, NDF held a serious of Political rallies in both the wings of
Pakistan and it created a widespread awakening among the people. Suhrawardy’s
death in 1963, however, was an irreparable loss to NDF. Under the
initiative of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the decision to revive
Awami League was taken in a meeting at his residence in Dhanmondi Road no. 32.
The Presidential election of Pakistan was held
on January 2, 1965, on the basis of Basic Democracy (the electoral
college comprised only 80,000 voters). Despite the meagre chance of winning the
election under such a situation, the opposition decided to fight it out
jointly. With this end in view and under the auspices of Awami League a
united front named Combined Opposition Party (COP) was formed on July 21, 1964.
Miss Fatema Jinnah was nominated the candidate the candidate of COP for
the Presidential polls. Although Miss Jinnah lost in the election, her
election campaign created a lot of stir in the public. In Dhaka city, the
provincial capital, Ayub Khan got fewer votes than Fatema Jinnah. One
positive result that emerged from this election was that it exposed the
hollowness and anti-people character of the so-called Basic Democracy system.
Communal riots of 1964
Awami League believes in communal harmony and
peace. It has always fought against communalism. In 1964, a communal riot
broke out between the Muslim and the Hindu communities in Dhaka, in Narayanganj
Adamjee area and elsewhere. Things were compound when the Bangalees and
the Beharis started clashing in several places. As the situation
worsened, scores of people got killed; looting and arson went on in full scale.
Hundreds of people were rendered homeless. The Ayub government was
involved in this riot : their aim was to divert the anti-government
sentiments of the people to a different issue. With a view to countering this communal
riot a ‘Resistance Committee’ was formed under the aegis of Bangabandhu.
The Committee published a pamphlet titiled “Stand up in Resistance, East
Pakistan!” and distributed it among the public in hundreds and thousands.
Bangabandhu incurred the displeasure of an angry Ayub for this and the
government started a suit against him in the court.
The 6-point Programme: The ‘Megna Carta’
of the Bangalees’ national struggle
The 1965 Indo-Pak War came as an eye-opener for
the Bangalees. During the War, East Bengal became completely isolated
from the rest of the world. East Pakistanis were left to their fate, without
military defence and security, while the Pakistani rulers kept themselves
busy in defending the West Pakistani fronters. This exposed the extreme
callousness of the Pakistani rulers to wards the Bangalee people. In this
backdrop, soon after the end of the War, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman formulated the historic 6-point programme. His purpose was to
voice the just demands of the people of East Bengal for self determination and
economic emancipation from the exploitative Pakistani colonial
state-system. The six points were as follows :
Point 1:
Pakistan
shall be a Federal State. There shall be parliamentary government formed by a
legislature elected on the basis of universal adult franchise.
Point
2:
The federating units or the provinces shall deal with all affairs except
foreign relations and defence.
Point
3:
There shall be two separate but easily convertible currencies for the two wings of Pakistan. Or, alternatively, there may by a single currenct with the proviso that the Federal Bank shall take adequate measures to stop the ciphoning of money from East Pakistan to West Pakistan.
There shall be two separate but easily convertible currencies for the two wings of Pakistan. Or, alternatively, there may by a single currenct with the proviso that the Federal Bank shall take adequate measures to stop the ciphoning of money from East Pakistan to West Pakistan.
Point
4:
The federating units or provinces shall reserve the right to levy taxes. The central government, of course, shall have some share of the tax proceeds.
The federating units or provinces shall reserve the right to levy taxes. The central government, of course, shall have some share of the tax proceeds.
Point
5:
Separate accounts shall be maintained for the foreign exchange earnings of the two wings. The foreign exchange earned from foreign trade shall be under the control of the respective wings. The federating units shall be independent in conducting trades with foreign countries.
Separate accounts shall be maintained for the foreign exchange earnings of the two wings. The foreign exchange earned from foreign trade shall be under the control of the respective wings. The federating units shall be independent in conducting trades with foreign countries.
Point
6:
The federating provinces shall be able to raise para-militia or para-military forces for their own defences.
The federating provinces shall be able to raise para-militia or para-military forces for their own defences.
No sooner had the 6-point programme been
published than Ayub Khan declared it ‘secessionisrt’ and styled its
author Bangabandhu as the enemy number one of Pakistan. Ayub also threatened to
use brute force to suppress this charter of demands. But Awami League and
its leader Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman remained undaunted by such
threats. Bangabandhu started a 3-month long mass-contact programme which took
him to every nook and corner of Bangladesh. In the public meetings, Amidst
thunderous slogans, he pesented the 6-point programme as demands to save
our (Bangalees’) life. The government started arresting him now in Sylhet, now
in Mymensing, or in Dhaka or in Narayanganj. Bangabandhu was arrested
eight times in the first three months of the 6-point movement. By then
Bangabandhu had become the President of Awami League. He was finally thrown
into jail on May 8, 1966, a general strike was observed all over East
Pakistan in support of the 6-point programme and for the release of
Bangabandhu. The police fired in Tejgaon, Tongi and Narayanganj killing 13
people. This was followed by large-scale arrests of the leaders and
followers of Awami League throughout the country. All these measures
taken by the Ayub regime proved counter-productive. 6-point programme became
the heartfelt demand of the common masses. Students put forWard their
11-point programme which complemented the 6-point charter of demands.
Thus the political situation in East Pakistan became extremely volatile : the
stage was set for a great explosion of popular anger through an all-out
mass-movement against the Ayub rule.
The
Agartala Conspiracy Case & the Mass-upsurge of 1969
President Ayub Khan of Pakistan took resort to a
nefarious plan of quelling the growing disturbances caused by the 6-point
programme. At his instance, in January 1968, a false case was instituted. This
has become infamous in the history as the Agartala Conspiracy Case. 35
Bangalee civil and military officers were accused of treason and
conspiracy against the state of Pakistan. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman,
then under detention, was made the principal accused and the case itself
was officially styled, “State versus Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Others.”
President Ayub formed a special tribunal to try the accused. On june 19, 1968
the trial started in the Kurmitola cantonment of Dhaka. There was great
turbulence in East Pakistan because of this case. The student community
started a united movement against the Ayub regime on the basis of the
6-point programme of Bangabandhu and their own 11-point charter of demands.
They defied the section 144 promulgated by the police, broke the
barricades put by the East Pakistan Rifles and came out to the streets in
thousands. People from all walks of life joined them. They chanted the slogans
- “We’ll break the locks of the jail and free Sheikh Mujib”; “Your
leader, my leader, Sheikh Mujib, Sheikh Mujib’, etc. A mass-upsurge took
place; the Pakistani rulers ordered shooting in different places. Law and order
situation worsened to such an extent that the rebellious mob took control
of all important points in the Dhaka city. During this movement, a lot of
people were killed: Asad, a student leader of Dhaka University, Dr.
Shamsuzzoha, a teacher of Rajshahi University and Matiur, a school
student of Dhaka and Sg’t Zahurul Huq, an accused of the Agartala
Conspiracy Case were among them. On February 22, Pakistan Government was forced
to grant unconditional release to Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and
withdraw the ‘Agartala Conspiracy Case’. Next day, in a mammoth gathering
in the then Race Course Maidan of Dhaka, Bangabandhu was accorded a grand
reception. Amidst thunderous applause by the million of people gathered
there. Sheikh Mujib was conferred the title ‘Bangabandhu’ (The Friend of
Bengal). On March 25, 1969, Ayub Khan was forced to step down from power
in shame and ignominy. The decade of his autocratic rule came to an end.
The
elections of 1970: Awami League wins the historic mandate
General Yahya Khan succeeded Ayub Khan as
President of Pakistan. He declared the general elections to be held next
year. In December 1970, the general elections were held on the basis of
universal adult franchise and a proportionate distribution of seats in
terms of population between the two wings of Pakistan.
Awami League decided to fight these elections as
a part of its struggle for self-determination for the Bangalee people.
Its election manifesto was the 6-point programme; its election symbol was
‘boat’. During the election campaign, Bangabandhu termed the election was
a referendum on the 6-point programme. During this time, on November 12,
a devastating cyclone laid waste the whole of Southern Bengal, killing half a
million people. The central government of Pakistan showed extreme
callousness in the face of such a great human disaster. Awami League
capitalized on this issue during the campaign. Awami League won a stunning
victory in these elections, winning 160 out of 162 seats in East Pakistan.
It bagged 72.57% of the total votes cast. AL won a similar landslide
victory in the provincial Assembly elections also - it won 288 seats out of 300
and bagged 389% of total votes cast. Awami League won all the 7 women
seats in the National Assembly and all the 10 women seats in the
Provincial Assembly. The net result was, Awami League emerged as the single
majority party in the Pakistan National Assembly with 167 seats out of a
total of 313. On the other side, Mr. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s Pakistan
People’s Party won 88 seats (all from the western wing) and emerged as the
second largest Parliamentary group. These were the last general elections
of the united Pakistan.
Non-Cooperation
Movement, the 7th March Speech of Bangabandhu and the Preparations for the War
of Liberation
Awami League’s attainment of single majority in
the 1970 elections frightened the Pakistani rulers. They could well read
the meaning of the AL victory-it meant that the Bangalee would now wield the
state-power and frame a new constitution based on the 6-point programme.
They would in no ay let such a thing happen. Therefore they started their
conspiracy immediately after the results were out. Along with the
military-civil bureaucracy, Mr. Bhutto’s Pakistan Peoples Party joined in
this palace-intrigue.
On January 3, 1971, Awami League under the
leadership of Bangabandhu arranged an Oath-taking ceremony for the newly
elected members of the National and the Provincial Assembly in the Race Course
Maidan of Dhaka. The Awami league MPs took a solemn oath to frame the
constitution of the country on the basis of the 6-point and the 11-point
Programmes. Yahaya Khan had convened the opening session of the National
Assembly on the 3rd of March; bt on the 1st of March, he postponed the
session for an indefinite period. As the news of this postponement
spread, the whole province reacted quicklywith anger and dismay. People came
out to the streets; educational institutions and offices closed down. In
protest of Yahaya’s declaration, Bangabandhu called hartal on March 2 and
3 in entire East Bengal. Curfew was clamped on the night of March 2, but the
angry mobs broke the curfew. The army opened fire on the protesters
killing and Wounding hundres. The whole province rose in protest like a
roaring sea. This was the time of the uprise of a new nation whose undisputed
leaders was Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Raman. The slogan ‘Joy Bangla’
(Victory of Bangladesh) became the War-cry of the multitudes. Along with
‘Joy Bangla’ people chanted, “Take up arms, you heroic Bangalees and
liberate Bangladesh”, “Great leader of a great nation, Sheikh Mujib,
Sheikh Mujib’. On March 2, in a student-mass-gathering in front of Dhaka
University Arts Building the new national flag of Bangladesh (a red sun
on a green background and the map of ‘Bangladesh’ printed in yellow on the red
disc) was hoisted. Events followed events in a quick succession. On March
3, in the presence of Bangabandhu, the ‘manifesto of the independent
Bangladesh’ was read out in a mammoth public meeting at Paltan Maidan;
Independent Bangladesh Central Student’s Action Committee was formed; an
all-out non-cooperation movement against the Pakistani rulers started
under the direct command of Bangabandhu, who became the virtual ruler of the
province. He started issuing daily directives to be followed by the
public. From March 2 to March 25, 1971 Sheikh Mujib became the wielder of
all political and civil power in East Pakistan. All government and
non-government offices, the Secretariat, autonomous bodies, the High
court, the police, Radio and television, Banks and Insurance companies,
Transport authorities-everybody defied the order of the Pakistan government and
observed the directives issued by Bangabandhu from his Road no. 32,
Dhanmondi residence. As Sheikh Mujib became the de facto head of
goverment, his residence turned into something like No. 10 Downing Street of
the British Prime Minister’s Official residence.
During this time, the most significant event
took place on March 7, when Bangabandhu addressed a mammoth gathering, a
virtual sea of human faces, in Race Course Maidan. About a million people
gathered in that historic meeting on that fateful day in the annals of
the Bangalee race. Bangabandhu’s address on that day laid the
foundation-stone of the future independent Bangladesh as he gave a green signal
for starting the War of Liberation by saying those inspiring poetic
lines: “Our struggle this time is the struggle for freedom; our struggle
this time is the struggle for independence”. The March 7 speech of Bangabandhu
has been compared with the Geattysberg address of President Abraham
Lincoln. In this short speech, Bangabandhu narrated the story of the 23
years of Pakistani exploitaton and the deprivation of the Bangalee people,
explaned the points of conflicts with the Pakistani rulers, delcared an
elaborate programme for the non-cooperaton movement, hinted at the
possible strategy of resistance against the enemy attack. He said, “Building
forts in each homestead. You must resist the enemy with whatever you
have... Remember, we have a given a lot of blood, a lot more blood we
shall give if need be, but we will liberate the people of this country, insha
Allah... The struggle this time is the struggle for our emancipation; the
struggle this time is the struggle for independence. Joy Bangla”.
This electrifying declaration by Bangabandhu was
virtually the declaration of the independence of Bangladesh. But, of
course, Bangabandhu showed the political sagacity of not making the declaration
too openly; rather he chose to adopt a ‘wait and see’ policy in order to
observe the next move of the Pakistani government. A UDI would be
disastrous at the particular point time.
The
Great War of Liberation and the Emergence of an Independent Bangladesh
The military junta of Yahya Khan started a
dialogue with the leader of the majority party, Bangabandhu Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman. But it was actually an attempt to hoodwink the Bangalees-the
junta was taking time t make their military preparations complete for a
fnal crackdown. They smuggled in arms and ammunition from West Pakistan
and a large number of army personne, too. On March 25, at midnight, they led a
sudden attack on the unarmed Bangalees in Dhaka and other places. Thus
began the so-called ‘Operation Searchlight’, the most heinous and
barbarous genocide in the history of mankind. A little after the midnight in
the early hours of March 26, 1971, Bangabandhu delcared the independence
of Bangladesh. He sent a message containing the declaration of
independence to his party leaders in Dhaka and Chittagong over the wireless of
the then East Pakistan Rifles. The message read:
“The Pakistani Army has launched a sudden attack
on the EPR Headquarters at Pilkhana and the Police Line at Rajarbagh and
they have killd many people in the city. Street fights are going on in Dhaka
and Chittagong. Our freedom fighters are viliantly fighting for
liberating their motherland from the enemies. In the name of Almighty Allah,
this is my appeal andorder to you-seek the assistance from the Police, the EPR,
the Bengal Regiment and the Ansars to liberate the country. No
compromise; the victory must be ours. Expel the last enemy from our
sacred motherland. Reach this message to all Awami League leaders and workers
and all other patriotic and freedom loving people. May Allah bless you.
You Bangla.”
With the army crackdown on the 25th March night
and the declaration of independence by Bangabandhu after the midnight,
the resistance struggle and the armed War of Liberation of the Bangalees
started all over the country. The junta arrested Bangabandhu frm his
Dhanmondi Road No. 32 residence immediately after the declaration of
independence. A few days later he was taken to West Pakistan. In order to give
the declaration by Bangabandhu a constitutional basis and to conduct the
War of Liberation under a central leadership, the Awami League leaders on
behalf of the elected MNAs and MPAs issued a statement on April 10, 1971. This
is known as ‘the constitutional declaration of independence’.
It read:
It read:
“According
to the verdict given by the sovereign people of Bangladesh in favour of the
elected representatives, we, the elected representatives, have formed the
constituent Assembly on the bass of discussions among ourselves.
Considering the establishment of equality, human dignity and social justice
for the people of Bangladesh a sacred duty enjoined upon us, we do hereby
declare the decision of transforming Bangladesh into a Sovereign People’s
Republic and endorse the earlier declaration of independence by
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Raman. This declaration of independence will be
deemed effective from March 26, 1971.”
In the same declaration, Bangabandhu Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman was made the President and the Commander-in-Chief of the
Armed Forces. The provisional government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh
was formed (now famous as the Mujibnagar Government) withSyed Nazrul
Islam as Vice-President (to act as President in the absence of Bangabandhu)
and Tajuddin Ahmed as Prime Minister. On April 17, 1971, the ‘Mujibnagar
government’ took oath of office in Baidyanattala of Meherpur district, in
the presence of the elected representatives, Awami League leaders,
freedom-fighters, local and foreign journalist and a large number of common
people. The provisional government was formed in the following manner:
President
& the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces :
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
Acting President : Syed Nazrul Islam
Prime Minister : Tajuddn Ahmed
Minister of Foreign Affairs : Khandakar Mustaq Ahmed
Finance Minister : Caption M. Mansur Ali
Home Minister : A H M Kamaruzzaman
Acting President : Syed Nazrul Islam
Prime Minister : Tajuddn Ahmed
Minister of Foreign Affairs : Khandakar Mustaq Ahmed
Finance Minister : Caption M. Mansur Ali
Home Minister : A H M Kamaruzzaman
This provisional Government of Mujibnagar gave
leadership to the War of Liberation in the name of Bangabandhu. After the
formation of the provisional government, the Liberation War found a sound
footing: The Mukti Bahini (Bangladesh freedom fighters) fast grew into a
highly disciplined combative force. The freedom fighters started their
guerrilla attacks on the enemies all over Bangladesh and within months
succeeded in forcing the Pakistani soldiers to confine themselves in
their cantonments. On December 3, Pakistan made a desperate attempt to
break the impasse by leading an air attack on India. An all-out War between
India and Pakistan Started. The Mukti Bahini and the Indian army formed
the Allied Forces under a joint command. On December 6, 1971India
accorded formal recognitiion to independent Bangladesh. The 13-day War came to
an end on December 16, with the surrender of 93,000 Pakistani soldiers to
the Joint Command of Bangladesh and India in the historic Race Course
Maidan of Dhaka.
The
Post-liberation period & the struggle for national reconstruction
After the Liberation, Bangabandhu and the Awami
League government faced a formidable challenge in the sphere of national
reconstruction. The whole country was ravaged by the non-month long bloody War
of Liberation. Communication system, the posts and industries were
completely in ruins. Schools and colleges, factories and food silos, the
village hats and bazar were burnt to ashes by the marauding Pakistani soldiers.
All these things had to be rebuilt. Then there was the staggering problem
of the rehabilitation of the families of the martyr, of those who were
maimed by the War and of the women raped and tortured by the Pak army. Ten
million refugees, who had fled to India, were to be brought back and
rehabilitated. The economy was in a shambles, foreign currency reserve
was nil; the food silos were empty. The possibility of a famine causing death
of millions was being forecast. Things were compounded by the drought of
1972, the devastating cyclone of 1973, the adverse effect of the worldwide
recession owing to the Arab-Israeli War and the floods of 1974 etc. A
greater threat to the political stability of the newborn country was posed by
the conspiracies of the defeated anti-liberation quarters. A few
pro-Chinese leftists started a nefarious campaign by setting jute godowns
on fire, uprooting railway tracks, attacking police outposts and committing
clandestine political murders. The government of Bangabandhu had to
confront these challenges of reconstruction on a War footing.
On his return from his confinement in Pakistan
on January 10, 1972, Bangabandhu devoted himself to this stupendous task
of reconstruction. We can enumerate the successes of the Bangabandhu government
of 3 years briefly as follows:
(a)
Restoration of communication system within the shortest possible time; the
clearing of mines at Chittagong and Chalna Ports;
(b) Rehabilitation of 10 million refugees who had taken shelter in India;
(c) Granting of economic aid to the families of martyred freedom fighters;
(d) Rehabilitation of narly 3 lakh women who were dishonoured during the War;
(e) Sending of disabled freedom-fighters abroad for treatment;
(f) Ensuring the return of the Indian forces within 3 months of the Liberation;
(g) Framing of one of the world’s best constitutions within 10 months;
(h) Introduction of Parliamentary system;
(i) Holding of general elections in 1973 (AL won 293 out of 300 seats);
(j) Reorganization of the Defence Forces;
(k) Appointment of the Kudrat-e-Khuda Education Commission for framing a scientific and secular education policy;
(l) The promulgation of a democratic ordinance for the universities (1973);
(m) Nationalization of 40 thousand primary schools;
(n) Winning of recognition by 140 nations of the world;
(o) Siging the Ganges-Water Sharing Treaty with India ensuring 44,000 cusecs of water for Bangladesh; etc, etc.
(b) Rehabilitation of 10 million refugees who had taken shelter in India;
(c) Granting of economic aid to the families of martyred freedom fighters;
(d) Rehabilitation of narly 3 lakh women who were dishonoured during the War;
(e) Sending of disabled freedom-fighters abroad for treatment;
(f) Ensuring the return of the Indian forces within 3 months of the Liberation;
(g) Framing of one of the world’s best constitutions within 10 months;
(h) Introduction of Parliamentary system;
(i) Holding of general elections in 1973 (AL won 293 out of 300 seats);
(j) Reorganization of the Defence Forces;
(k) Appointment of the Kudrat-e-Khuda Education Commission for framing a scientific and secular education policy;
(l) The promulgation of a democratic ordinance for the universities (1973);
(m) Nationalization of 40 thousand primary schools;
(n) Winning of recognition by 140 nations of the world;
(o) Siging the Ganges-Water Sharing Treaty with India ensuring 44,000 cusecs of water for Bangladesh; etc, etc.
In 1974, when the anti-liberation forces accelerated their disruptive activities Bangladesh felt the necessity of uniting all the pro-Liberation forces of the country under one banner. With this end in view, he formed the Bangladesh Krishak-Sramik Awami League (24 January, 1975). He also declared the programme called the ‘Second Revolution’ in order to rivitalize the economy and to cement the national unity. As a result of this, the law and order situation improved considerably; the prices of essential commodities came down and political stability returned to the country.
At this critical juncture, when Bangladesh was
striding forward under the able leadership of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman, the cruelest assassination of history took place on August 15, 1975.
The foundng architect of Bangladesh, Father of the Nation, the Glorious
Leader of Liberation War, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was assassinated
along with all the members of his family then in Dhaka and other leaders.
Anti-Liberation and reactionary international forces with the help of their
local henchmen staged this most brutal murder of all times.
The
post - ’75 movement against autocracy and for the restoration of democracy
The anti-liberation reactionary and
counter-revolutionary forces usurped the state-power through the
assassination of Bangabandhu on August 15, 1975. For the subsequent 15 years,
Bangladesh was ruled by the same forces sometimes under a civilian guise,
sometimes under military dictatorship. Khandakar Mushtaq one of the chief
conspirators behind the Bangabandhu killing ruled for a few months (1975)
before being ousted by General Zia who ruled till 1981. After he was
murdered in an abortive coup, Justice Sattar came to power (1981-82).
General Ershad ousted the elected government of Sattar and assumed power in
1982 and continued his military rule upto 1990. In 1990, he was forced to
stepdown through mass-upheaval which reminded many of the mass-upsurge of
1969 against Ayub Khan. During these 15 years, the successive rulers tried
their utmost to obliterate the memories of Liberation War efface the name
of Bangabandhu from the mind of the public, sheltered and even rewarded
the killers of Bangabandhu, allowed the communal polities to operate
freely. Coups, conspiracies, social anarchy and corruption held
unhindered sway in the country. In the elections of 1991, Khaleda Zia’s
Party BNP was voted to power. Like the earlier regimes, Khaleda Zia’s
government pursued the same policies.
During these dark years of our national life,
Awami League had the self imposed task of fighting for democratic rights
of the people. After 15th August 1975, there came another cataclysmic event
that struct Awami League very seriously and led to a temporary vaccum in
the leadership: four national leader, Syed Nazrul Islam, Tajuddin Ahmed,
M. Mansur Ali and A.H.M. Kamaruzzaman were killed in Dhaka Central Jail by the
same conspirators who had killed Bangabandhu.
A. The Rule of General
Zia
After the killing of Bangabandhu on August 15, 1975, Khandakar Mushtaq Ahmed assumed power for a brief period. But General Ziaur Rahman, who was the chief beneficiary of the killing, could not keep himself behind the wings for long. On November 7, 1975, he assumed the power in a military coup de tat. Ruthless and ambitious as he was, he took some quick steps to consolidate his power: One such step was to get Colonel Taher, a valiant freedom fighter whom he had duped in order to ascend to power, summarily hanged (July 21, 1976), on a charge of treason. This Machiavelli of Bangladesh politics later put on the mask of democracy by starting a political party named Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) where he assembled all the anti-liberation and communal elements. He had to face at least 20 coup attempts. He crushed these attempts brutally by killing numberless freedom-fighter personnel in the army. It was Zia who first rewarded the self-confessed killers of Bangabandhu by giving them employment in foreign missions of Bangladesh. It was during his time that election-rigging and elections by blueprint started in Bangladesh. For example, on My 30, 1977 he held a referendum in which it was shown that 99% voters had taken parts. Zia got 98.88 of the vote cast in his favour. The general elections of February 18, 1979 was also a big hoax: as per the government blueprint, his BNP was shown to have won 207 seats out of 300. Zia ensured the two-thirds majority of his party in the parliament with an ulterior motive: he had a plan to change the secular provisions of the constitution and to regularize the various proclamations and regulations passed during his rule as a military dictator.
Awami League did not let anything to go
unchallenged. Side by side with organizing street demonstrations, it also
took part in the presidential and parliamentary polls during the Zia-Sattar
regime (1978, 1979, 1981), sometimes singly, sometimes by forming
alliances with other parties. Awami League took these polls as an
opportunity to solidify the party organization. Despite the implementation of a
blueprint and a large-scale government intervention in the polls, Zia
could not prevent Awami League from becoming the main oppositiion party
in the Jatya Sangshad. When General Zia brought the 5th Amendment Bill with a
view to giving his military rule of 1975-79, Awami League opposed it
vehemently both inside and outside the parliament. Awami League vociferously
protested other anti-people and undemocratic moves taken by Zia government.
Towards the end of the Zia regime, Bangabandhu’s
daughter Sheikh Hasina returned home from self-exile since the August
tragedy. The day was May 17, 1981. Sheikh Hasina and her sister Sheikh Rehana
had left behind their parents, brothers and their wives and other
relatives when they went abroad a few months before the August tragedy of
1975. When she returned home in 1981, his near and dear ones were no more. But
she quickly got over the grief of losing her parents and dear ones like
his little brother Russell and took the helm of Awami League. She devoted
herself wholeheartedly to the reorganization of the party for starting a
relentless and indomitable struggle for the restoration of democracy in
the country and for the attainment of the rights of the people.
Awami League was reassured to find in her an
intrepid, brilliant, dynamic leader was ready to go to any extent for the
realization of the dreams of her father, the founder of Bangladesh, Bangabandhu
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. The party elected her its president and posited
its confidence in her. she on her part soon became the rallying point of
the toiling masses, the rightless, voiceless multitudes who were ophaned like
herself at the death of Bangabandhu. Awami League was reinvigorated by
her electrifyingly enthusiastic leadership and her far-reaching political
visioin. On the day of her home-coming, it seemed as if Nature also mourned
with her : it was a day that saw heavy downpour and thunderstorm in the
city. In spite of the inclement weather, a million people turned out at
the airport to receive the daughter of Bangabandhu with the warmth of
their heart.
On May 30, 1981, General Ziaur Rahman died in an
army putsch. Vice President Justice Abdus Sattar took office as
President, but within less than a year he was forced to resign by General
Ershad who staged an army conp on March 24, 1982. Thus the long
autocratic rule of General Ershad started which lasted for nine long years.
B. The Rule of General
Ershad
On March 26, the Independence Day, after only
two days of Ershad’s assumption of power, Sheikh Hasina voiced her first
protest against the autocratic rule in an address at the National Memorial at
Savar. She vowed to restore democracy and pronounced a stern warning to
Ershad. She made a similar pronouncement on January 21, 1983 to a huge
gathering in front of Bangabandhu Bahaban in Road no. 32, Dhanmondi. The Ershad
government quickly arrested her on charge of the violation of Martial Law
and clamped a legal suit against her. Other political parties and their
leaders kept silent during this time.
Sheikh Hasina felt the need for starting a
concerted movement against Ershad’s military autocracy. With that end in
view she formed a 15 party Alliance in early 1983. The Alliance adopted a
5-point action programme, the main concern of which was the immediate
withdrawal of military rule and the return of the army to the barracks
and the holding of the Jatiyo Sangshad elections before any other polls. Four
years passed, during which time a number of hartals were observed, a
national convention was held in Dhaka etc. But the autocratic rule of
Ershad still there. On May 7, 1986, Ershad announced the date for Jatiyo
Sangshad election. Awami League throught it opportune to fight the
election unitedly with other parties and alliances; bujt a few of the
parties withdrew themselves at the last moment. 8 parties under the leadership
of Sheikh Hasina took part in the polls jointly. This 8-party Alliance
got 97 seats out of 300, and 31.21% of the total vots cast. (Awami League
won 76 seats on its own and 26.15% of the total votes). In reality, Awami
League-led Alliance was on the verge of wianing a majority, but the results
were hijacked by a media-coup. The declaration of elections results on
the TV and the radio was suspended for 48 hours, during which time Ershad
hijacked toe popular mandate.
This incident exposed the term nature of Ershad
regime to the outside world. The accumulated hatred of the people against
Ershad’s autocractic rule grew stronger as they understand that no free and
fai9r polls was possible under the Ershad government. Accordingly, Awami
League refrained form participating in the presidential election of 1986
and the Jatiyo Sangshad election of 1988 and the Jatiyo Sangshad election
o 1988. As a result, these elections turned into a farce.
Awami League, however, continued to play its
role as opposition party in the parliament right upto the dissolution of
Jatiyo Sangshad in December 1987. Side by side with this, AL organized street
demonstrations also. Awami League observed March 24, the day Ershad
snatched power as ‘Black Day’. When the Ershad Government made a bid to
have the ‘Zilla Parishad Bill’ (with a provision of representation of the
army) passed in the Parliament, Awami League members led by Sheikh Hasina
staged a walk out (12 July, 1987). There were angry protests outside the
house also, which forced Ershad government to retreat.
The final months of 1987 saw a strong
anti-Ershad movement. One November 10, Awami League observed the ‘Dhaka
siege Day’. A worker of Awami Jubo League, Noror Hossain made himself a walking
poster by having these slogans painted on his chest and back : ‘Let
Democracy be free’ and ‘Down with autocracy’. The police targeted him and
killed him with a gunshot. The Ershad government was frightened by the public
anger and the next day interned Sheikh Hasina in her own house. Quite a
few leaders and activists of Awami League and its constituent
organizations courted arrest in this new phase of movement against Ershad.
Being freed form house-arrest, Sheikh Hasina went to Chittagong on
January 24, 1987 to address a public meeting in Laldighi Maidan of Chittagong.
On the way the truck carrying Sheikh Hasina to the meeting venue came under a
sudden attack : the police and the paramilitary forces fired
indiscriminately killing about 50 people on the spot. The main target of
this infamous ‘ January 24 Genocide’ was of course Sheikh Hasina herself. But
by the grace of the Almighty her life was saved. The anti-Ershad movement
rose to a crescendo during 1687. Ershad on his part, attempted a new
strategy to quell the popular uprising : he dissolved the parliament and let
loose a reign of terror on the opposition political parties. With a view
to forming a ‘rubber stamp’ parliament, Ershad arranged for a farcical,
voterless election on March 3, 1988. Almost all the parties boycotted the
election. But Ershad managed to get the notorious ‘State Religion Bill’ passed
by the 8th Amendment of the Constitution in this ‘rubber stamp’
parliament. This bill struck a blow at the non-communal, secular
foundation of the state of Bangladesh and the spirit of the glorious Liberation
War. Awami League raised its voice of protest against the bill and
organized demonstration all over the country.
When all the concentred efforts made by various
political parties, alliances and professional organizations came to
naught, Sheikh Hasina came forward with a historic formula for Ershad’s
resignation in a mammoth meeting at Panthapath of Dhaka on November 6,
19990. She suggested that Ershad should quit after handing over power to
a neutral non-partisan person under the articles 51 and 55 of the Constitution
(this formula was incorporated in the ‘Historic Formula of the Three
Alliances of November19’. Consequently and at long last, Ershad was
forced to declare resignation on December 4, 1990. On December 6, he handed
over power to neutral caretaker government headed by Justice Shahabuddin
Ahmed, the then Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. Thus the 9- year long
autocratic rule of General Ershad came to an end. In the ouster of the
autocratic government of Ershad, Awami League and its various organs
played the most seminal role.
C. The Rule of Begum
Khaleda Zia
The Jatiya Sangshad election of February 27,
1991 under the neutral caretaker government of Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed
was a disheartening experience for Awami League. Everybody, both at home and
abroad, had thought that Awami League would win an absolute majority and
form the government. Even BNP anticipated their defeat, had started
preparing for post-election agitation programmes. But the election results
surprised all concerned. Awami League and its allies got more vote but
less seats in the Sangshad (34.29% votes and 100 seats; AL by itself 88
seats); whereas BNP got less votes but won more seats (30.81% of votes and 140
seats).
The reasons were not far to seek. All the rightist
political parties, the defeated forces of 1971, the beneficiaries of
post-75 politics, the owners of black money, the collaborators of autorcracy
and their foreign patrons joined their hands in order to defeat Awami
League. They usd their black money and communal propaganda for the
purpose. On top of that, BNP and Jama-ati-Islami made an electoral alliance and
divided the seats among themselves. When all these conspiracies seemed to
bear no results they took recourse to subtle rigging. The sure victory of
Awami League was thus hijacked by BNP. It was a deep and far-reaching
conspiracy of the reactionary quarters against Bangladesh Awami League, the
undaunted champion of the hopes and aspiration of the people and the
upholder of the spirit of democracy and Liberation War.
After the election, BNP formed the government
with the assistance of Jamaat. Because of electoral understanding with
BNP, Jamaat had managed to win 18 seats. BNP leader Khaleda Zia took oath of
Office as prime Minister on March 19, 1991 and Awami League under the
leadership of Sheikh Hasina took up the role of the opposition in the
parliament. Even in this role, Awami League did not forget its electoral vows :
it took initiative to introduce the parliamentary form of government
which ultimately came into being through the 12th Amendment of the
Constitution (August 6, 1991).
But the nation could not reap the fruits of
parliamentary democracy for long. Despite being the Prime Minister and
the Leader of the House in the Sangshad, Begum Khaleka Zia often absented here
self from the parliament. The administration was shamelessly monopolised
by the party in power; Khaleda Zia herself, her two sons, her siblings
and other relatives, the ministers and the leaders-workers-supporters of BNP
indulged in widespread corruption. They misappropriated thousands of
crores of public money in order to enrich themselves overnight. The
hoodlums of BNP were given arms with which they let loose a reign of terror
all over the country. Murder, women and children abuse, acid throwing on
girls became the order of the day. The hooligans of BNP-supported student
organization turned every campus into a killing zone, the result being
that all the university and colleges started to close down one by one. There
was on unprecedented anarchy in the agriculture sector : 18 farmers were
shot dead when they were demonstrating for fertilizers at a reasonable
price. Similarly, 19, factory-workers were also killed. The people were soon
disenchanted with the Khaleda government and thire disappointment and
anger showed through the results of a by - election in Mirpur. Although
the AL candidate won the poll, the Election Commission, at the behest of the
BNP government, changed the results and declared the BNP candidate winner
(February 3, 1993).
On January 30 1994, the BNP candidate for the
Mayorship of Dhaka was defeated by the AL candidate. In order to take
revenge for this electoral defeat, the BNP hooligans gunned down 7 innocent
people at Lalbagh in the city. People from all walks of life protested
this heinous ‘Lalbagh Murder’ and demanded the trial of the killers.
Things started happening at a quick pace and the BNP government’s popularity
fell to zero. On March 20, 1999, a by-election was held for the Sangshad
seat of Magura-2, which was a watershed in the political history of the
country. BNP resorted to all-out violence, rigging and irregularity in order to
hijack the popular verdict clearly by the voters in favour of the AL
candidate. It was such an unprrecedented and shameless rigging that the
Election commission itself was redered helpless : the Chief Election
Commission flew back to Dhaka, seemingly in dismayed and shocked by the
stupendity of it.
It became crystal clear through the Magura polls
that a free and fair election cannot be held under a party- government :
the only solution is to hold all national elections under a neutral caretaker
government. With this end in view, the opposition parties in the Sangshad
under the leadership of sheikh Hasina tried to move a bill in the
Sangshad. But it was impossible for BNP and Khaleda Zia to countenance such a
proposal. On the contrary, Kahaleda Zia rejected the opposition demand
disdainfully, and declared, “None but a mad man or a child is neutral.”
After the Magura incident, all the political parties including AL chose to
boycott all elections under the BNP government.
Sheikh Hasina, the President of Awami League and
Leader of Opposition in the Parliament led a tumultous mass-movement on the
issue of neutral carretaker government and the attainment of the people’s right
to vote freely. The caretaker government issue soon became the national
demand. As a part of the movement, Awami League and other opposition
parties refrained from attending the sessions of the parliament (March
30-December 28, 1994) and finally, 146 MPs resigned their posts as members of
Parliament. In spite of this, BNP tried to continue the Snagshad without
the opposition parties for more than a year. Finally, on November 24,
1995, the BNP government dissolved the parliament and went for fresh polls.
Thus Begum Khaleda Zia and her government had to quit before the expiry
of its 5 year term.
A farcical election was held on February 15,
1996 with all the opposition political parties boycotting it. As the
popular demand of holding the parliamentary polls under neutral caretaker
government was turned down, the opposition decided to actively resist the
polls. I the process of this resistance, 147 people were killed, thousands
were wounded and more than 20 thousand AL workers were put behind the bars.
In the midst of nationwide protests, hartals and
demonstrations, the illegally formed parliament was called to session. It
lasted for only 4 working days. As the political situation of the country
became extremely explosive, Khaleda Zia had to concede the demand for
neutral caretaker government and had to pass a bill to that effect
through the 13th Amendment of the Constitution (March 26, 1996). But the
protesting public were not content in having anything short of the
resignation of the Khaleda Zia government. Sheikh Hasina, the leader of
the masses, called for an all-out movement for the cancellation of the February
15 election, resignation of Begum Zia government and the holding of a
fresh parliamentary election under a neutral caretaker government. At the
order of Sheikh Hasina, a countrywide non-stop non-cooperation movement
started from March 9, 1996, Everything including the seat-ports of
Chittagong and Chalna came to a stand still. She ordered the
establishment of the ‘Janatar Mancha’ (Peoples Dias) in front of the National
Press Club, Where people form all walks of life, including the officer
and officials of the Secretariat assembled to show their allegiance to
Sheikh Hasina and their solidarity with the on-going movement. In the face of
the anti-Khaleda mass-upsurge, Bugum Zia declared her resignation from
power (March 30, 1996). The President appointed Justice Mohammad Habibur
Rahman, fromer Chief Justice of the Supreme Court as the head of the caretaker
government.
Awami
League government led by Sheikh Hasina (1996-2001) and its success
On June 12, 1996 parliamentary election was held
under a neutral caretaker government led by Justice Mohammad Habibur
Rahman. Bangladehs Awami League under the leadership of sheikh Hasina part in
the election with ‘boat’ as the election wymbol and won majority seats.
Sheikh Hasina took the oath of office as Prime Minister on June 23. Awami
League’s was undoubtedly a significant event in our national history. since
the assassination of Bangalbandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1975, the
anti-Liberation and anti-people forces had spread their web of deceit and
subterfuge, of conspirecy and subversion, in order to forestall Awami
League’s return to power. They had tried to bring back Pakistani ideals
in every sphere of national life. But Awami League’s much awaited and
spectacular come-back put an end to all these nefarious designs and paved the
way for the restoration of the spirit of Liberation War, democratization,
alleviation of poverty, illiteracy and terrorism, efffective prevention
of torture, upon women and poor and the distressed. Moreover, this
come-back opened up new vistas of possibilities for the restoration of
the image of Bangladesh in the eyes of the world-community. It will
also-help the struggle for establishing a modern, affluent, self-reliant
Bangladesh suited to face the challenge of the 21st century. Indeed, a
new and an altogether different phase of the national struggle has
started with Sheikh Hasina’s assumption of office.
The Awami League government has already achieved
a spectacular success in various spheres. Democracy has been given an
institutional shape; the Sangshad has been made the centre of all activities;
the transparency and accountability of the government have been ensured.
Bangladesh under the sagacious leadership of Sheikh Hasina has signed a
30-year treaty with India to ensure a fair share of Ganges water for
Bangladesh. The internecine, fratricidal conflicts in Chittagong Hill
Tracts have come to an end following the signing of a peace treaty with
the tribals there. Awami League government of Sheikh Hasina repealed the
infamous ‘Indemnity Act’ and paved the way for the trial of the killers
of the Father of the Nation, which was a clear realisation of its
election pledge. The government of Sheikh Hasina has taken a number of
epoch-making steps for the amelioration of poverty and for bringing smile
to the face of the toiling millions. As a result of these. the country is
now self-sufficient in food. Prices of necessary commodities have not risen
during the past five years. The AL government has adopted a multilateral
programme for removing poverty. This includes the pension schemes for the
aged people, the divorced women and the widows, monthly grant of Taka 300
for disadvantaged freedom fighters; Employment Bank for the jobless,
‘Asrayan Prakalpa’ (a housing scheme for the houseless) and ‘Santinibash’
(homes for the aged) at every district headquarters. The deft way in which
the government managed the devastating flood of 1998 also won the praise
of the world community. The average per head income has resen from 280 US
dollars to 386 US dollars. Literacy rate has risen from 44% to 62%. New
industries and factories have been established a new export processing zones
started functioning. There has been an increase in foreign investment
also. In the field of games, Bangladesh has acquired ‘test status’. In
the cultural arena also, a new era has begun under the leadership of Prime
Minister Sheikh Hasina and her government.
In the international arena, Bangladesh has
achieved several successes. The glorious Language Movement of 21st
February has won recognition as International Mother Language Day. Among other
notable achievements are Bangladesh’s election as a member of the UN
security Council, the exchange of visit by the heads of government of
Bangladesh and the USA, Bangladesh’s election as the leader of the D-8 group,
Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s winning of the UNESCO Peace Prize and The
Ceres Prize awarded by FAO. Bangladesh has acquired a place of honour in
the comity of nations. Bangladesh is now known by its new image as a
self-reliant nation with infinite prospects.
The governments that preceded the AL government
of Sheikh Hasina had no definite policy in running the country. They
believed only in looting and plundering the national wealth. They misruled the
country with the assistance of the anti-Liberation elements on an adhoc
basis. The AL government reversed the situation : from the very start it
adopted realistic and pragmatic policies for an over-all development of the
country. National Education policy, Industrial policy, Agriculture
policy, Water policy, Forest and conservation policy, Investment policy
and Health policy are some examples of the clear-sighted and progressive
planning by the AL government.
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